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Lessons from the MASGA project

Published: 05 Sep. 2025, 00:04

Choi Yoon-hee

The author is president of the Sea Power League of the Republic of Korea and former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

The recent trade talks and summits between the United States and its partners once again underscored the harsh reality of international politics. Power, not goodwill, remains the decisive force. For U.S. President Donald Trump, “America First” has always meant “America Only.” Allies and partners are no exception, and Korea is not exempt.

Earlier this year, I argued in a column that Korea should draw on its shipbuilding and shipping industries to address the U.S. maritime security crisis. That idea materialized as the MASGA project — “Make American Shipbuilding Great Again” — which helped defuse tariff negotiations by offering Washington a pathway to reviving its struggling shipbuilding sector. During the Korea-U. S. summit on Aug. 25, the proposal played a role larger than many expected it to.

President Lee Jae Myung speaks during a christening ceremony for the State of Maine training vessel at Hanwha Philly Shipyard in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, on Aug. 26. [JOINT PRESS CORPS]

The project’s true significance depends on what comes next. Korea’s shipbuilding industry must strengthen to preserve its leverage. Competition with Japan and European shipbuilders remains intense. To sustain an edge, Korea must expand its presence beyond the U.S. market, seeking contracts in NATO countries as well as Southeast Asia and Latin America.

Next year, Korean firms are slated to participate in Sea Air Space, the largest U.S. maritime defense exhibition. It will be a chance to showcase cutting-edge shipbuilding capabilities. Beyond building vessels, Korea should also look to support the ailing U.S. shipping industry. Trump himself has admitted that U.S. shipping, like its shipbuilding, is faltering. Reviving a collapsed shipping sector takes decades. Korea, ranked among the world’s top five shipping powers, could combine advanced shipbuilding with maritime transport to create valuable synergy.

Above all, Korea must approach both industries with a broader strategic lens. Washington’s interest in MASGA stems from its acute security concerns. Reliable sea lines of communication often decide wars. For a country with global commitments, maritime supply routes are lifelines. The United States' ability to sustain those routes has weakened, threatening its traditional naval dominance.

This decline has roots in the post-Cold War era when the disappearance of the Soviet threat prompted Washington to cut support for its shipbuilding and shipping industries. China has since overtaken the United States in both areas. Washington maintains mobilization schemes like the National Defense Reserve Fleet, the Ready Reserve Fleet and the Maritime Security Program, but these are insufficient. Its plan to secure 250 strategic cargo vessels under the SHIPS for America Act will take at least a decade.

The United States' weakness at sea has direct implications for Korea. Under combined operational plans, the U.S. military is responsible for transporting reinforcements and wartime supplies to the peninsula. But since 1981, Washington has already relied on about 60 Korean-flagged vessels for support cargo, reflecting its own limited capacity. Korea must realistically prepare for a scenario in which it must transport all essential supplies alone.

Recent comments by figures such as Elbridge Colby, U.S. under secretary of defense for policy, suggesting that Korea should take greater responsibility for its own security reflect this reality. The security environment has also grown more volatile. Russia's war against Ukraine has hardened the divide between North Korea, China and Russia on one side and the United States, Korea and Japan on the other. The sight of the three northern leaders together on Wednesday, during China’s Victory Day parade was a symbolic marker of a new cold war. North Korea and Russia’s signing of a military alliance comparable to the Korea-U. S. Mutual Defense Treaty underscores the shift.

Should crises in Taiwan and Korea occur simultaneously, China could attempt to block sea lanes in the Western Pacific, isolating Korea from reinforcements and matériel. A naval blockade around the peninsula is not unthinkable. For a country hemmed in by land on three sides, such a scenario would be catastrophic.

Korea cannot afford complacency. It must design its own MASGA plan and review its mobilization system. The current framework divides vessels into those carrying cargo and those supporting military operations. But most cargo ships are coastal vessels under 5,000 tons, many of which are more than 20 years old.

Unlike the United States, which pays $5 million annually to each ship enrolled in its Maritime Security Program, Korea provides no subsidies. Training exercises are limited to communications drills, with no realistic practice for dangerous operations. No comprehensive threat assessments or protection plans exist for wartime shipping routes. In short, Korea is left to hope such a situation never arises.

A ship commissioned by the U.S. government is under construction at the Hanwha Philly Shipyard in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, on July 16. [JOONGANG ILBO]

Improvement requires recalculating wartime transport needs and designating additional large vessels under 20 years old. A national strategic fleet should be established, supported by the training of qualified Korean mariners and expanded government subsidies. Above all, realistic training for these vessels and protection measures for Korea’s merchant fleet must be introduced without delay.

The MASGA project has already served as a useful lever in negotiations with Washington. But rather than treat this as a one-off success, Korea should see it as a reminder to strengthen its own shipbuilding and shipping base. Now is the time to advance technology, craft policies and design a Korean MASGA to safeguard both industry and national security.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.