Power without morality is bound to fail

Lee Ha-kyung

The author is a senior columnist at the JoongAng Ilbo.

Power is the legitimate authority to make others act according to one's will. It inevitably carries an element of coercion. Those exercising power are therefore difficult to forgive unless they produce results benefiting society. Max Weber identified two ethical principles for politicians: an ethic of conviction, grounded in moral beliefs, and an ethic of responsibility, focused on consequences. Maintaining morality while achieving success is difficult.

Is President Lee Jae Myung succeeding? Despite his difficulties, many ordinary citizens still expect him to solve problems. He reportedly works so relentlessly that blood vessels in his eyes have burst. Such is the burden of presidential responsibility.

His morality, however, remains contested. Although his judicial examination scores qualified him to become a judge or prosecutor, he chose to practice law for the disadvantaged. He combines economic growth with concern for vulnerable people. Yet controversies surrounding his private life and investigations and trials involving a development project and election law violations have raised questions. Nevertheless, voters elected him president. The final judgment remains open.

Lee appointed National Tax Service Commissioner Lim Kwang-hyun as his new chief of staff. Lim is a capable, respected bureaucrat. Recruited by Lee for the Democratic Party's proportional representation ticket in 2024, he became tax commissioner a year later.

The problem is his family connection. Lim's brother-in-law, lawyer Lee Seung-yeop, represented the president in cases involving the Daejang-dong development project, election law violations and alleged remittances to North Korea. His consideration for a Constitutional Court appointment provoked objections within the legal community. Lim's wife, Lee Seung-yeop's sister, was appointed consul general in Houston despite lacking diplomatic experience.

Lawyers who defended the president now occupy influential positions, including National Assembly seats, the Financial Supervisory Service governorship, the United Nations ambassadorship and leadership posts at government agencies. The National Intelligence Service's planning chief and three of four secretaries under the presidential senior secretary for civil affairs previously represented Lee.

A lawyer for former Gyeonggi Vice Gov. Lee Hwa-young, who has pleaded for release from prison, also became chair of the Anti-corruption and Civil Rights Commission.

Now the president has appointed a Daejang-dong lawyer's brother-in-law as chief of staff. This goes too far. Already facing internal divisions and declining public support, Lee has aggravated his own political difficulties. It reflects the arrogance of a ruler who believes he can do anything. The opposition's criticism of appointments rewarding the "Daejang-dong family" is justified.

Korea's exemplary ethical public servant was Kim Byung-ro, the first chief justice, known by his pen name Gain. He defended judicial independence against President Syngman Rhee's authoritarianism and drafted legislation replacing Japanese colonial laws, earning recognition as a founder of Korea's judiciary.

His defining strength was extraordinary integrity. At 19, after learning of Japan's 1905 protectorate treaty, he joined resistance efforts. Under colonial rule, he defended independence activists without charge and led a nationalist organization.

When the 1950-53 Korean War broke out, Kim evacuated with the government but told his family to make their own arrangements. His wife was subsequently killed by communist guerrillas.

He barred a niece married into a wealthy landowning family from visiting his official residence to avoid conflicts of interest in land litigation. He insisted that his grandson volunteer for military service despite eligibility for exemption. When judges complained of hardship, he urged them to persevere together, even if they had to subsist on porridge, as recounted in Han In-sup's "Gain Kim Byung-ro" (2017).

When Rhee challenged a court ruling, Kim replied, "If you object, appeal." Yet Rhee respected him, even asking legal professionals how "the Constitution" was doing. Kim retired honorably after nine years and three months.

Today, the ruling camp appears prepared to impeach Chief Justice Jo Hee-de for rejecting the presidential office's request to renominate a Supreme Court justice. But the Constitution places no presidential appointment power above the chief justice's nomination authority or the National Assembly's consent.

The ruling camp also accused Jo of misusing public funds over wine purchases, although most preceded his tenure and he does not drink. He even returned condolence money received at his father's funeral.

Korea's president wields near-imperial authority. But moral failures can render that power ineffective. Why abuse appointments amid mounting political difficulties? Corrupted power ultimately loses its strength. Does Lee not fear public opinion?

Impeaching a sitting chief justice on such grounds would undermine the separation of powers and invite unfavorable comparisons with Rhee's government.