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Why President Lee’s approval ratings plunged

Published: 22 Aug. 2025, 00:04

Lee Sang-ryeol

The author is a senior editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

Barely two months into his term, President Lee Jae Myung’s approval ratings have fallen sharply. In Realmeter’s second-week-of-August poll (Aug. 11–14), approval for President Lee’s handling of state affairs stood at 51.1 percent.

That is a drop of 12.2 percentage points from two weeks earlier (63.3 percent). In contrast, disapproval rose by 13.1 percentage points during the same period. Lee won the presidential election with 49.42 percent of the vote. A significant portion of those who newly supported him after the inauguration have since withdrawn their support. A Gallup Korea poll shows the same trend.

Cho Kuk, former leader of the Rebuilding Korea Party and recipient of the first special pardon and reinstatement under the Lee Jae-myung administration, walks out of the Seoul Southern Detention Center in Guro District, western Seoul, on Aug. 15. [NEWS1]

The plunge must be seen as an expression of public disapproval — or disappointment — toward state affairs. The administration’s “my way” approach has chilled public sentiment.

First, appointments. In his inaugural address, President Lee stressed “national unity.” But cabinet and senior appointments have been far from unity or inclusiveness. The nomination of ministers from the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions, the Korean Teachers and Education Workers Union and Lawyers for a Democratic Society was said to reflect consideration for his support base.

Then what should be made of his decision to appoint seven of his criminal defense attorneys to senior government posts? Most striking were the nominations of attorneys Lee Chan-jin and Cho Won-chul as head of the Financial Supervisory Service and minister of government legislation. Moreover, the FSS requires a high level of financial expertise. Lee’s career shows little evidence of such expertise. Using private connections in public positions is something that must be avoided at all costs.

President Lee Jae Myung speaks during a State Affairs Planning Committee policy presentation at the Blue House on Aug. 13. [YONHAP]

Former President Yoon Suk Yeol appointed close associates as well: his loyal junior prosecutor Lee Bok-hyun to the FSS and his friend Lee Wan-kyu to head the Ministry of Government Legislation. In Lee Bok-hyun’s case, he was regarded as the most powerful FSS chief in history, with proximity to the president serving as the source of his power. During his tenure, state intervention in finance was rampant, including interest rate meddling. The appointment of attorneys Lee and Cho is enough to invite criticism that “this administration is no different from Yoon’s.”

The Liberation Day special pardons were also puzzling. Was the pardon and reinstatement of Cho Kuk, former leader of the Cho Kuk Innovation Party, convicted in a “admission fraud” case, and Yoon Mee-hyang, former lawmaker convicted of “embezzling donations for comfort women victims,” consistent with our society’s sense of justice and common sense? In Gallup Korea’s Aug. 12–14 survey, 43 percent supported the pardon of Cho, while 48 percent opposed it.

Excluding Lee’s core supporters in their 40s and 50s, more than half of all other age groups opposed it. The president’s first act of clemency went against the views of half the nation. Cho served only 33 percent of his sentence. A pardon itself symbolizes the president’s absolute power — “a president above the law.” When such extralegal power runs against public opinion, the public becomes angry.

Policy issues also abound. In his inaugural address, President Lee said, “If the policies of Park Chung Hee or Kim Dae-jung are necessary and useful, I will adopt them without distinction.” It was a declaration of a pragmatic, market-oriented government. Yet the administration’s drive to enforce the "Yellow Envelope Bill" does not fit that description.

Companies — one of the law’s direct stakeholders — are desperately pleading for revisions and delays, but pushing ahead regardless hardly seems reasonable. The bill will raise labor costs, constrain management autonomy and undercut corporate competitiveness. The ruling bloc’s notion of “let’s implement it first and fix problems later” is irresponsible. Once damaged, an industrial ecosystem is far more difficult to restore.

President Lee Jae-myung during his campaign at the Suwon Yeongdong Market in Gyeonggi on May 26 [JOONGANG ILBO]

Park Chung Hee, who achieved the Miracle on the Han River, and Kim Dae-jung, who led Korea out of the financial crisis, both focused their policies on saving companies. Park’s drastic Aug. 3, 1972 measure to freeze private loans, and Kim’s adoption of layoffs despite fierce opposition from his own base, were both driven by the conviction that the economy could survive only if companies survived.

Those in power often say approval ratings should not be swayed by ups and downs. Perhaps. But they must clearly recognize what a precipitous drop in ratings signifies. Arrogance that refuses to listen to healthy criticism ultimately drives the people away. This is a national crisis greater than the IMF crisis. The power to overcome it lies in national unity and the support of the people. That must not be forgotten.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.