People Power Party leader Jang Dong-hyeok has faced criticism for representing the interests of some hard-right groups, including proponents of election fraud conspiracy theories, rather than offering substantive criticism of government policies and presenting alternatives. Jang speaks outside the handball arena at Olympic Park in Songpa District, southern Seoul, on Sept. 8, as election fraud conspiracy theorists stage a blockade protest.NEWS1
Lee Sang-ryeol
The author is a senior editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.
An old political adage holds that victory comes when your opponent makes a mistake. There are countless examples, but former President Yoon Suk Yeol's Dec. 3, 2024 martial law declaration immediately comes to mind.
Yoon was impeached, and the People Power Party (PPP) was branded a defender of martial law. The Democratic Party (DP) and its presidential candidate, Lee Jae Myung, won the election with relative ease.
But political good fortune ends there. Winning power does not necessarily translate into national progress or improved livelihoods. When governments elected because of their opponents' mistakes pursue poorly prepared policies, ordinary citizens bear the consequences.
Today, housing shortages in the jeonse (lump-sum key money lease) market, turmoil in real estate, strains in the Korea-U.S. alliance, concerns about public safety following the dismantling of the prosecution service and threats to the separation of powers, exemplified by pressure on Chief Justice Jo Hee-de, have disappointed many citizens. So has the government's passive response to North Korean land mine provocations.
With President Lee's approval rating falling into the 30 percent range, a recent Realmeter survey showed the opposition PPP overtaking the governing DP. The survey conducted from Oct. 7 to 8 put the PPP at 41.3 percent and the DP at 35.5 percent.
Yet few progressives, moderate conservatives or centrists would attribute this reversal to the achievements of PPP leader Jang Dong-hyeok.
The more plausible explanation is dissatisfaction with the Lee administration. Realmeter itself attributed the PPP's gains largely to public criticism of the government and ruling party.
Under Korea's powerful presidency, particularly when the governing party commands an overwhelming parliamentary majority, the opposition faces substantial limitations.
Nevertheless, it can earn public trust by checking executive overreach and defending democratic principles.
The prerequisite was a sincere apology for the illegal martial law declaration and a decisive break with those responsible. Had the PPP subsequently demonstrated its commitment to democracy and the market economy, public perceptions might have changed sooner.
Consider the government's Oct. 15 housing measures last year, which designated all of Seoul a land transaction permit zone. The PPP should have more clearly explained the problems arising from restrictions on property transactions.
It should also have scrutinized the government's introduction of leveraged exchange-traded funds tied to Samsung Electronics and SK hynix amid a semiconductor-driven stock market boom.
Similarly, when the government substantially increased the National Pension Service's domestic equity allocation, departing from established practice, the opposition should have examined the dangers of artificially supporting stock prices.
Korea has repeatedly experienced the consequences of excessive government intervention in markets.
The PPP has also failed to demonstrate the seriousness about national security expected of a conservative party.
While frontline soldiers reportedly stood guard without loaded ammunition and North Korean troops crossed the military demarcation line to plant mines, the opposition maintained a limited presence in the debate.
Nor has it played a meaningful role in addressing growing tensions within the Korea-U.S. alliance.
When the governing camp dismantled the prosecution service and transformed a criminal justice system established 78 years ago, did the PPP adequately explain the potential consequences for ordinary citizens? That is precisely what substantial public subsidies to political parties should support.
Although presidential approval ratings in the 30 percent range are often associated with lame-duck governments, the administration appears to misunderstand the causes of its declining popularity.
The underlying problem, in this columnist's view, is a policy direction that makes people's lives increasingly insecure. Instead of changing course, the president has abruptly emphasized improved communication.
If the PPP wants to become a credible political force, it must deliver tangible results.
It should challenge the proposed Future Response Fund, exceeding 100 trillion won ($70 billion), which risks becoming a discretionary government fund, and seek the removal of market-distorting policies, including land transaction permits.
It should also pursue parliamentary diplomacy to repair the Korea-U.S. alliance and investigate leveraged ETF losses that reportedly cost individual investors trillions of won.
Even a minority opposition has meaningful responsibilities. Support earned through fulfilling them, rather than merely benefiting from government failures, would represent genuine political progress.
This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.
