Do those in power still fear the sovereign people?

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Do those in power still fear the sovereign people?

Published: 05 May. 2026, 00:01

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

Kang Won-taek

The author is a professor of political science and international relations at Seoul National University.

With local elections just a month away, political parties and candidates are moving quickly. Elections held during a president’s term often serve as midterm evaluations of the administration and the ruling party, typically placing them at a disadvantage. This election can also be seen as a retrospective judgment on the first year of President Lee Jae Myung’s government. Yet that dynamic appears muted, as the opposition has not fully regained public trust nor organizational coherence.

Oh Se-hoon, center, the People Power Party candidate for Seoul mayor, meets with Yoo Jeong-bok, the party’s candidate for Incheon mayor and Cho Eung-cheon, the Reform Party candidate for Gyeonggi governor, at the National Assembly Members’ Office Building on May 4 to discuss countermeasures to a special prosecutor bill being pushed by the Democratic Party over alleged fabricated investigations and indictments under the Yoon Suk Yeol administration. [YONHAP]

Even so, a defeat in the midterm elections would still be politically burdensome for the president and the ruling party. This likely explains efforts to leverage policy measures such as a supplementary budget framed as a “wartime” response and fuel subsidies, alongside an active schedule of regional events intended to appeal directly to voters.

Against this backdrop, the Democratic Party (DP) has introduced a bill to appoint a special prosecutor to investigate what it calls “fabricated indictments.” The bill targets all cases in which President Lee has been indicted and would grant the special prosecutor the authority to cancel indictments. Although the party has offered several justifications, the move has drawn criticism for attempting to use legislative power to block judicial proceedings that are already underway.

The DP has argued that weakening the prosecution is necessary to prevent abuses of power and politically motivated investigations. However, critics point out the contradiction in empowering a “special” prosecutor — recommended by the party and appointed by the president — to cancel indictments related to the sitting president, raising questions about neutrality.

Many individuals may feel wronged in their own legal cases, but the accepted course is to seek redress through the courts and prove innocence through due process. This principle has underpinned the rule of law. The DP, however, appears to be seeking to influence judicial procedures in the president’s cases by using its parliamentary majority to cancel indictments altogether. Such a move raises concerns about violating the principle of separation of powers and the constitutional guarantee that all citizens, including the president, are equal before the law.

Why has the party chosen this course, particularly with elections approaching? One possibility is that it believes the electoral outcome is already decided. Opinion polls offer some basis for such confidence. Support for the DP has consistently been more than double that of the People Power Party (PPP), reflecting a persistent imbalance in party competition.

President Lee’s approval ratings have remained stably in the mid-60 percent range. According to a recent survey by Gallup Korea, positive evaluations of President Lee exceed negative ones by at least 20 percentage points across all regions, including both traditional strongholds and opposition areas. The DP also leads the PPP in every region. Even in Daegu and North Gyeongsang, typically conservative areas, the DP recorded 34 percent support compared to 33 percent for the opposition.

This sense of confidence may explain what critics describe as the party’s complacency. Previous controversial legislative measures affecting the judiciary passed without significant public backlash, reinforcing the belief that a special prosecutor bill aimed at canceling indictments would not provoke serious resistance. There may also be a calculation that voters are preoccupied with issues such as the war involving Iran and stock market volatility, leaving limited room for complex legal debates to influence electoral outcomes.

A more fundamental reason may lie in the perceived weakness of the opposition. Despite more than a year since a major political setback, the PPP has struggled to recover. A credible opposition might use the election as an opportunity to reflect on past mistakes and rebuild trust. Instead, it remains entangled in internal factional disputes and leadership controversies.

President Lee Jae Myung delivers a commemorative speech at a ceremony marking Labor Day at the Yeongbin Hall of the Blue House on May 1. [JOINT PRESS CORPS]

Yet even if the opposition is faltering, it raises a broader question for democracy: Should a governing force be allowed to exercise power with so little regard for public scrutiny, even in the run-up to an election? How such power should be checked is an issue that warrants careful consideration.

It remains to be seen whether the ruling party will achieve an easy victory in the local elections. History suggests that political power accompanied by arrogance is ultimately subject to judgment by voters.

On April 19, 2024, marking the 64th anniversary of the April 19 Revolution, President Lee — then leader of the Democratic Party — wrote on Facebook that the people had overthrown an arrogant regime and secured democracy through sacrifice. He emphasized that sovereignty resides with the people and that power which does not fear public opinion will eventually be judged. He also called on both the government and his party to reflect on arrogance and respond to the people’s demands.

Now that the DP holds power, the question remains whether it has internalized that message. Has it come to fear the sovereign people, or has it grown distant from them?

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.