Hormuz crisis underscores urgency of securing sea lanes

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Hormuz crisis underscores urgency of securing sea lanes

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI


 


Choi Yoon-hee
 
The author is the president of the Sea Power League of the Republic of Korea and a former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
 
 
The collapse of cease-fire negotiations between the United States and Iran late last week has further complicated the situation in the Strait of Hormuz, highlighting growing risks to global maritime routes and Korea’s economic lifelines.
 
U.S. Vice President JD Vance arrives for a news conference after meeting with representatives from Iran and Pakistan in Islamabad on April 12. [AFP/YONHAP]

U.S. Vice President JD Vance arrives for a news conference after meeting with representatives from Iran and Pakistan in Islamabad on April 12. [AFP/YONHAP]

 
Iran blocked the strait shortly after hostilities began. Following the breakdown of talks, the United States responded with a counterblockade targeting vessels trading with Iran to curb its oil exports. As a result, 26 Korean-flagged ships have been stranded, incurring daily losses of about $1.43 million. Whether operations can resume remains uncertain.
 
The impact is spreading. Oil prices, exchange rates and stock markets have been affected, while fishing vessels have halted operations. What began as a regional conflict is now demonstrating global economic consequences.
 
A handout photo made available by the Royal Thai Navy shows the Thai-flagged cargo ship Mayuree Naree on fire after being hit by Iranian missiles in the Strait of Hormuz, on March 11. [EPA/YONHAP]

A handout photo made available by the Royal Thai Navy shows the Thai-flagged cargo ship Mayuree Naree on fire after being hit by Iranian missiles in the Strait of Hormuz, on March 11. [EPA/YONHAP]

 
In the United States, rising fuel prices have fueled criticism of U.S. President Donald Trump, but policy options appear limited. Iran is not a party to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, complicating legal enforcement. Ensuring freedom of navigation in Hormuz has therefore become a central U.S. objective.
 
The crisis reflects a broader shift in maritime security. Since Houthi missile attacks on civilian vessels in March 2024, threats have evolved from piracy to blockades and missile strikes. The United States attempted to neutralize these threats through strikes on launch sites with limited success. It later helped form the Combined Maritime Forces, a coalition of about 40 countries, though its reach remains constrained by the vastness of the oceans.
 
Korea has maintained a naval presence in the Gulf of Aden since 2009 through the Cheonghae Unit, deploying a single destroyer to protect merchant ships. Given Korea’s status as a major economy, this level of commitment appears insufficient.
 
Although the duration and outcome of the Hormuz blockade remain uncertain, the lesson is clear: Korea must invest more in securing and protecting its sea lanes. Annual debates over extending the Cheonghae Unit’s deployment underscore the limitations of the current approach.
 
Even if navigation resumes, choke points will remain vulnerable to disruption. North Korea, pursuing nuclear-powered submarines, could attempt to disrupt sea routes around the Korean Peninsula.
 
The United States has also signaled that securing maritime routes such as the Hormuz is increasingly the responsibility of individual countries. Korea now faces the dual task of protecting its merchant fleet abroad and ensuring maritime security at home.
 

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Korean vessels operate along more than 10 major international routes. Critical choke points include the Strait of Hormuz, the Suez Canal, the Panama Canal, the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, the Strait of Malacca and the Taiwan Strait. These routes are essential despite geopolitical risks.
 
Korea’s reliance on maritime transport is nearly absolute. About 99.7 percent of its trade moves by sea, and all energy imports depend on these routes. They are effectively the nation’s lifeline. Yet aside from the United States, no country can manage these choke points globally, raising questions about reliance on U.S.-led maritime order.
 
Korea also lacks a dedicated fleet and system to transport troops and strategic materials in a crisis. Even under Korea-U.S. combined operational plans, wartime transport responsibilities largely fall to the United States.
 
Risks are particularly acute in the Taiwan Strait, through which roughly 40 percent of Korea’s trade passes. A conflict there could escalate quickly. In Northeast Asia, escalation could also threaten Japan-based United Nations Command rear bases, further complicating the security environment.
 
North Korea’s military developments add to the concern. It is expanding naval capabilities, including a 5,000-ton destroyer equipped with long-range cruise missiles capable of traveling more than 1,200 kilometers (745 miles). If it acquires nuclear-powered submarines, its ability to disrupt maritime routes beyond the Korean Peninsula would increase significantly.
 
Members of a boarding team composed of Navy Special Warfare personnel conduct a search and antipiracy operation aboard a vessel simulating a hijacked merchant ship during the Cheonghae Unit 46th rotation’s joint anti-piracy drill in waters off Geoje, South Gyeongsang, on Aug. 1, 2025. [ROK NAVY/YONHAP]

Members of a boarding team composed of Navy Special Warfare personnel conduct a search and antipiracy operation aboard a vessel simulating a hijacked merchant ship during the Cheonghae Unit 46th rotation’s joint anti-piracy drill in waters off Geoje, South Gyeongsang, on Aug. 1, 2025. [ROK NAVY/YONHAP]

 
Given these realities, Korea urgently needs a comprehensive strategy to secure maritime transport in both peacetime and wartime.
 
Such efforts require coordination across government. Establishing a strategic merchant fleet of at least 200 vessels and a credible mobilization system is a critical first step, supported by fiscal resources. Korea must also strengthen its military and diplomatic capacity to protect shipping in key choke points.
 
Preparation will require closer coordination with allies. A multinational framework involving Korea, the United States, Japan, Australia and Southeast Asian countries should be established in advance, along with joint exercises. Expanding naval capabilities, including nuclear-powered submarines, is also essential. Given that building such assets can take decades, time is limited.
 
For years, there has been an assumption that the United States would resolve major crises. That assumption is no longer tenable. With Washington prioritizing its own interests, Korea must strengthen its maritime capabilities and take greater responsibility for its security.
 
Building an integrated maritime transport and protection system, linking the shipping industry and the navy in both peace and wartime, is no longer optional. It is a task that will shape the nation’s future.


This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.
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