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PPP chasing ghosts instead of the zeitgeist

Published: 20 Feb. 2026, 00:03

Lee Sang-ryeol

The author is a senior editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

The force that ultimately shapes politics is the spirit of the age — the collective will of the people.

Japan’s recent House of Representatives election offered a fresh illustration. In an era defined by intensifying U.S.-China rivalry, many Japanese voters signaled that they wanted a “strong Japan.” The result was a sweeping victory for Prime Minister Takaichi Sanae, who has taken a firm line against pressure from Beijing. Some analysts have even suggested that China’s hard-line posture was the single greatest contributor to her triumph.

People Power Party leader Jang Dong-hyeok is seen during a hunger strike at the National Assembly's main rotunda in Yeouido, western Seoul on Jan. 15. [LIM HYUN-DONG]

Korea’s last presidential election followed a similar pattern. Public demand for accountability over illegal martial law and for the restoration of democracy ultimately produced a transfer of power.

Eight months later, what spirit of the age has the People Power Party (PPP) embraced after its defeat and transition into opposition?

The party has yet to sever ties with former President Yoon Suk Yeol, who was yesterday sentenced to life imprisonment after being found guilty as the ringleader of insurrection over the Dec. 3 martial law declaration. A clean break — “absolute separation from Yoon” — should have occurred well before the first trial verdict. In 21st-century Korea, the impropriety of deploying the military and placing democracy at risk through an emergency declaration is not merely a matter for judicial determination; it is a question of basic common sense. The cost of ignoring that common sense while gauging the mood of the “Yoon Again” faction will weigh heavily on the party for years to come.

Party leader Jang Dong-hyuk speaks of “winning politics.” Yet he has failed to persuade most citizens what the victory is for — and over whom. He has tied his own political fate to the outcomes of the June 3 local elections in Seoul and Busan, calling for the consolidation of conservative support. But he appears to have misread public sentiment.

Shortly before the Lunar New Year holiday, Jang visited Seomun Market in Daegu, often described as the heartland of Korean conservatism. The atmosphere was noticeably cool. The scenes of supporters flocking in droves when a PPP leader appeared were nowhere to be found. According to a Gallup Korea survey conducted Feb. 10 to 12, party support in Daegu and North Gyeongsang Province — known as the TK region — stood at 32 percent for the PPP and 32 percent for the Democratic Party (DP). Even in what has long been conservative territory, the party no longer holds a clear advantage.

People Power Party (PPP) leader Jang Dong-hyeok is seen during a PPP supreme council meeting at the National Assembly in Yeouido, western Seoul on Feb. 12. [LIM HYUN-DONG]

In the same poll, President Lee Jae Myung recorded a nationwide approval rating of 63 percent. In the TK region, positive evaluations (49 percent) exceeded negative ones (39 percent). If this trajectory continues, even the Daegu mayoral and North Gyeongsang gubernatorial races may not be secure. A substantial segment of long-standing conservative supporters appears to be turning away. Yet there is little sign of introspection within the party about the erosion of its core base.

Don Quixote fought windmills. Today, the PPP seems to be fighting ghosts. Marginalizing former leader Han Dong-hoon and his faction does little to advance conservative unity or broaden appeal to the center. The slogan “anti-Lee Jae Myung,” repeated since the Yoon administration, has failed to penetrate public opinion at a time when Lee’s approval rating exceeds 60 percent.

Meanwhile, the administration is pressing ahead with judicial reforms — including the introduction of trial constitutional appeals and the creation of a crime of “distortion of law” — measures critics argue undermine the separation of powers. What, precisely, has the PPP blocked? Its minority in the National Assembly may limit its leverage, but has it appealed to the public with the urgency of past opposition tactics such as sit-in headquarters or symbolic acts of protest?

Politics is, at bottom, the art of addressing the challenges of one’s era.

President Lee has recently focused on what he calls a war against real estate speculation. But the agenda is far broader: a historically severe cliff in youth employment, widening disparities between large conglomerates and small and medium-sized enterprises, between the Seoul metropolitan area and the provinces, and the sweeping social transformations that the age of artificial intelligence will bring.

What solutions does the PPP offer? Recent controversies — including those involving former DP floor leader Kim Byung-kee and lawmaker Kang Sun-woo — have exposed corruption in local election nominations that has tainted local autonomy. Why has the PPP not taken the lead in radically overhauling its own nomination system? By contrast, even the minor Reform Party has displayed greater innovative zeal by pledging zero candidate deposits in its internal elections to curb money-driven politics.

The party knows better than most the pitfalls of Korea’s powerful presidential system. Why, then, has it not taken a more proactive stance on constitutional revision?

When a political party neglects the tasks of its era and fails to grasp the spirit of the age, public support inevitably drifts away. The signs are already visible across the country. Only the PPP leadership seems unaware.

No victory can be won by fighting ghosts.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.