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Korean diplomats struggle to keep ahead of shifting winds in Washington

Published: 09 Feb. 2026, 00:02

Seo Seung-wook

The author is the chief editor of digital content at the JoongAng Ilbo.

“Seung-wook, I was quite surprised by the choice of Korea’s ambassador to the United States. Wasn’t she someone who simply echoed hard-line rhetoric toward Japan when Korea-Japan relations were collapsing under the Moon Jae-in administration?”

The remark came from a Korea specialist at a major Japanese media outlet whom I met at a restaurant near my office last August. Known for his deep affection for Korea, he said he was “very concerned” about Kang Kyung-wha, who had just been nominated as ambassador to Washington. He then mentioned Shigeo Yamada, Japan’s ambassador to the United States.

Korea's new Ambassador to the U.S. Kang Kyung-wha speaks to the press upon arrival at Dulles International Airport near Washington on Oct. 4, 2025. [NEWS1]

Yamada is widely regarded within Japan’s Foreign Ministry as one of its leading experts on U.S. affairs. During Donald Trump’s first administration, he worked at the Prime Minister’s Office’s National Security Secretariat, coordinating U.S.-Japan relations. He took up his post in Washington at the end of 2023 and, after the launch of Trump’s second term, moved actively across the capital to help lead tariff negotiations.

In Japan, some observers said that although Economic Revitalization Minister Ryosei Akazawa sat across from Trump at the final stage, it was Yamada who had already prepared the groundwork, while Akazawa merely boarded the plane to Washington. At the time, the comparison struck me as premature. Kang had not even taken up her post.

Yet the conversation from last summer now feels more relevant. On Jan. 26, Trump announced that reciprocal tariffs on Korean goods, previously agreed at 15 percent, would be raised to 25 percent. The Korean government said it had been caught off guard, but there had been several warning signs.

These included a letter from the U.S. Embassy in Seoul expressing concern about possible discrimination against American digital companies. During a meeting in Washington between Prime Minister Kim Min-seok and Vice President JD Vance, issues such as the Coupang controversy and the case involving Pastor Son Hyun-bo were also mentioned. Son, who led rallies opposing the impeachment of former President Yoon Suk Yeol, was arrested and later given a suspended prison sentence for illegal electioneering in violation of Korea’s election law, drawing attention in Washington.

It is difficult to believe that no one within the U.S. government had detected unusual signals around the president. Yet there appears to have been little advance indication from Korea’s embassy in Washington. According to accounts, the embassy’s first reaction was shock, saying Trump had “moved the goalposts in the middle of the game.”

The repercussions have not subsided. The head of the presidential National Security Office’s admission that tariff tensions were affecting security consultations was unusual. On the same day the tariff increase was communicated to Korea, Trump issued a message saying the future of the U.S.-Japan alliance would be “brilliant.” Two days before Japan’s general election, he also expressed strong support for Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi. The contrast between expanding U.S.-Japan ties and strained Korea-U.S. relations is striking.

Officials at the embassy and within the government may argue that Trump’s unpredictability makes such developments difficult to anticipate. It may also be unreasonable to hold a single ambassador, who has served only four months, responsible for intelligence gaps and a failure of early warning. Still, the failure even to detect significant changes within the U.S. government cannot simply be overlooked.

That is precisely why a foreign ministry exists and why ambassadors are dispatched at considerable public expense. The explanation that communication within the U.S. government itself was insufficient does not excuse the situation. It sounds instead like an admission that Korea failed to do its job.

The government must determine whether the problem lies with the embassy in Washington or whether a broader gap has emerged in national diplomatic capacity. It should also examine whether repeated personnel reshuffles following changes of administration are weakening institutional strength.

Prime Minister Kim Min-seok and U.S. Vice President JD Vance pose for a photo at the White House in Washington on Jan. 23. [PRIME MINISTER'S OFFICE]

Even eight months after the current government took office, the sidelining of officials who held key posts under the previous administration continues. Critics warn that factional divisions between alliance-oriented and autonomy-focused camps are narrowing the diplomatic talent pool. Regardless of political alignment or ideology, the priority should be to assemble the strongest possible team to serve the national interest.

There are even reports that experienced diplomats who lost their posts are moving from building to building without a permanent office. One hopes such stories are merely rumors.

Japan offers a contrast. Even when governments and prime ministers change, the standing of career diplomats remains firm. When the Democratic Party of Japan achieved the country’s first postwar transfer of power in 2009, it did not replace its ambassador to Washington. Nor did the Liberal Democratic Party do so when it returned to power at the end of 2012.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.