Polarization fueled the rise of left-wing populism

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Polarization fueled the rise of left-wing populism

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI


 
Suh Kyoung-ho
 
The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo. 
 
 
 
“I am well aware that, with the overwhelming support of the majority of the people, Your Excellency is opening a new chapter in Venezuela’s destiny through outstanding leadership. (...) Your bold reforms have left a deep impression at home and abroad.”
 
Then-President Kim Dae-jung holds a summit with Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez at the Blue House on Oct. 15, 1999, discussing developments on the Korean Peninsula, broader international affairs and ways to enhance substantive bilateral cooperation. [JOONGANG ILBO]

Then-President Kim Dae-jung holds a summit with Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez at the Blue House on Oct. 15, 1999, discussing developments on the Korean Peninsula, broader international affairs and ways to enhance substantive bilateral cooperation. [JOONGANG ILBO]

 
The speaker was then-President Kim Dae-jung, and the addressee was then-Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez. Chávez, who took office in 1999 after winning the presidential election, embarked on an Asian tour that year, visiting China and Japan before making a state visit to Korea. It was the first visit to Korea by a Venezuelan head of state. Kim’s remarks at the state dinner were standard diplomatic courtesies, but few at the time would have imagined that Chávez’s “reforms” would later become synonymous with a brand of left-wing populism that devastated his country.
 
Hugo Chavez, president of Venezuela, receives an honorary doctorate in political science at Kyung Hee University in Seoul on Oct. 16, 1999, during his visit to Korea. [YONHAP]

Hugo Chavez, president of Venezuela, receives an honorary doctorate in political science at Kyung Hee University in Seoul on Oct. 16, 1999, during his visit to Korea. [YONHAP]

 
The dinner speech went further, praising Chávez’s push to convene a constituent assembly and adopt a new constitution as a “historic task” aimed at advancing democracy and human rights and shaping Venezuela’s vision for the 21st century. That constitutional overhaul has been frequently invoked in recent debates over judicial reform in Korea. It was, after all, the reform that abolished the upper house of Venezuela’s parliament and expanded the Supreme Court from 20 to 32 justices, effectively undermining the separation of powers. Despite this, a Korean university later awarded Chávez an honorary doctorate, citing his contributions to democratic development. Chávez sought another visit to Korea in 2006, but the request was denied. U.S. diplomatic cables later released by WikiLeaks showed that the Korean government, mindful of the Korea-U.S. alliance, declined the visit because Washington was uncomfortable with hosting Chávez.
 
Under the banner of “21st century socialism,” Chávez poured oil revenues generated by nationalizing the petroleum industry into expansive welfare programs, offering free health care and education. Poverty rates did fall for a time. Chávez became a star at the World Social Forum, a gathering place for left-wing activists worldwide under the slogan “Another world is possible.” Around the same period, in 2006, the Korean Broadcasting System aired a documentary titled “Beyond Neoliberalism, Chávez’s Challenge,” widely criticized for its lack of balance.
 

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The Venezuelan president just detained by U.S. special forces and flown to the United States, Nicolás Maduro, was Chávez’s loyal disciple. A former bus drivers’ union leader, Maduro entered politics after Chávez came to power, serving as National Assembly speaker and foreign minister before becoming vice president in 2012. Battling cancer, Chávez anointed Maduro as his successor, and Maduro won the presidential election in 2013. The 27-year experiment in left-wing populism under Chávez and Maduro ended in comprehensive failure. When oil prices fell, the cash-fueled welfare state became unsustainable. Price controls and steep minimum wage hikes failed to curb hyperinflation. Between 2014 and 2020, the economy collapsed, living standards deteriorated and millions left the country. Foreign media reported that by 2017, roughly three-quarters of the population of about 30 million suffered food shortages, with average body weight dropping by 8.7 kilograms. Even as the country unraveled, fervent supporters chanting “I am Chávez” and the enduring ideology of Chavismo testified to the unsettling resilience of populism.
 
Yet it would be simplistic to focus only on the failure of left-wing populism. Though often branded a dictator, Chávez came to power through elections. The same is true of Maduro, despite persistent allegations of electoral fraud. Chávez’s ability to capture public sentiment, even after a failed coup in 1992 and two years in prison, rested on the fertile ground of extreme polarization. That divide, rather than ideology alone, provided the conditions for populism to flourish. Regardless of whether a government is progressive or conservative, addressing polarization demands extraordinary effort.
 
Venezuela’s President Nicolas Maduro and his wife Cilia Flores attend a year-end salutation to military forces in La Guaira, Venezuela Dec. 28, 2025. Maduro and his wife were arrested by U.S. forces on Jan. 3 and flown to the United States. [REUTERS/YONHAP]

Venezuela’s President Nicolas Maduro and his wife Cilia Flores attend a year-end salutation to military forces in La Guaira, Venezuela Dec. 28, 2025. Maduro and his wife were arrested by U.S. forces on Jan. 3 and flown to the United States. [REUTERS/YONHAP]

 
Populism tends to favor short-term, symptomatic fixes. What society might look like five or ten years down the road often falls outside its field of vision. In an interview with JoongAng Sunday last weekend, Choi Jang-jip, an emeritus professor at Korea University, criticized the leadership of President Lee Jae Myung, saying he sees little pursuit of stable, long-term policy alternatives or vision. The criticism resonates. If expansionary fiscal policy is to continue next year, then a medium- to long-term plan for tax increases should at least be presented. Simply repeating that tax revenues will rise automatically once the economy enters a virtuous cycle is not a responsible answer.


This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.
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