Isolationism highlighted in new U.S. security strategy while North's denuclearization dropped

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Isolationism highlighted in new U.S. security strategy while North's denuclearization dropped

President Donald Trump speaks at a Kennedy Center Honors reception for recipients Sylvester Stallone, George Strait, KISS, Gloria Gaynor and Michael Crawford at the State Department, Dec. 6, in Washington. [AP/YONHAP]

President Donald Trump speaks at a Kennedy Center Honors reception for recipients Sylvester Stallone, George Strait, KISS, Gloria Gaynor and Michael Crawford at the State Department, Dec. 6, in Washington. [AP/YONHAP]

 
A national security strategy released on Friday by the Donald Trump administration outlines a significantly more isolationist foreign policy than the “America First” doctrine from his first term, analysts say.
 
While the document signals selective engagement in regions tied to U.S. economic primacy — such as the Taiwan Strait — it suggests a drawdown elsewhere, potentially intensifying pressure on Korea to increase defense spending and participate in U.S.-led containment of China.
 

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A declaration of new isolationism
 
The 33-page document describes a new “non-interventionism” based on what it calls “The 'Trump Corollary' to the Monroe Doctrine,” referencing the 1823 speech by U.S. President James Monroe that laid the groundwork for the United States' original isolationist foreign policy. A return to that vision implies that the U.S. will step back from traditional conflicts in the Middle East and Europe to focus security resources on curbing illegal immigration and drug cartels in the Western Hemisphere.
 
This shift is reflected in the strategy placing the Western Hemisphere at the top of the list of regional security priorities — a stark contrast to Trump’s first-term blueprint in December 2017, which ranked the region fifth.
 
The new document explicitly outlines the “readjustment” of its “global military presence to address urgent threats” in the Western Hemisphere, “away from theaters whose relative import to American national security has declined in recent decades or years.”
 
The U.S. National Security Strategy (NSS) released by the Trump administration on Dec. 5 [SCREEN CAPTURE]

The U.S. National Security Strategy (NSS) released by the Trump administration on Dec. 5 [SCREEN CAPTURE]

 
In the section on Asia, the document references strengthening “the capabilities — including new capabilities — necessary to deter adversaries and protect the First Island Chain” — alongside the U.S.-Korea alliance. Analysts interpret this as a signal that while the number of U.S. troops in Korea may be adjusted, more advanced military systems could be deployed to counter China.
 
The forthcoming National Defense Strategy and Global Posture Review are expected to provide further details on adjustments to overseas troop deployments, including those in Korea.
 
 
U.S. will 'no longer tolerate military free-riders'
 
The strategy paper states that, “The United States cannot allow any nation to become so dominant that it could threaten our interests,” reaffirming that it will “work with allies and partners to maintain global and regional balances of power to prevent the emergence of dominant adversaries.”
 
However, the paper also highlights that the United States will “no longer tolerate, and can no longer afford, free-riding, trade imbalances, predatory economic practices,” and urges its allies to “spend far more of their national Gross Domestic Product [GDP] on their own defense, to start to make up for the enormous imbalances accrued over decades of much greater spending by the United States.”
 
In effect, the U.S. is asking its allies to strengthen their own military capabilities and assume responsibility for conventional deterrence in their regions. On Asia, the document says the U.S. will “build a military capable of denying aggression anywhere in the First Island Chain. But the American military cannot, and should not have to, do this alone.”
 
A joint military drill between the U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) and Korean military is held in Yeoju, Gyeonggi, on Aug. 27. [YONHAP]

A joint military drill between the U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) and Korean military is held in Yeoju, Gyeonggi, on Aug. 27. [YONHAP]

 
This underscores Washington’s continued focus on defending Taiwan as a major semiconductor source, but now with a clear message that the burden must be shared. For Korea, this likely means demands to increase defense spending, expand South Korea-led deterrence against North Korea and even take on a role in containing China. It also pushes Seoul to fortify its anti-North suppression powers, meaning that renewed pressure could emerge to expedite the transition of wartime operational control (Opcon) to the Korean military.
 
“The national security strategy paper contains contradictory strategic messages on China,” noted Professor Kim Jae-chun of Sogang University’s Graduate School of International Studies. “On one hand, it reflects a hawkish stance by insisting on containment at the first island chain, but it also signals possible recognition of China's sphere of influence. These conflicting signals coexist, but the overall direction is clear: reduced U.S. engagement and increased burden on allies.”
 
 
Denuclearization dropped from U.S. and Chinese strategies
 
One of the most notable omissions from Trump’s second-term strategy is the phrase “denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula,” which was included in the Biden administration’s version. Experts say this raises serious concerns.
 
“In this document, all threat assessments and policy directions are based on the interests of the U.S. mainland,” said Park Won-gon, a professor at Ewha Womans University. “The absence of the North Korea issue suggests that Washington no longer views the regime as a direct threat to U.S. territory.”
 
U.S. Forces Korea's Camp Humphreys, based in Pyeongtaek, Gyeonggi, seen on Aug. 26 [YONHAP]

U.S. Forces Korea's Camp Humphreys, based in Pyeongtaek, Gyeonggi, seen on Aug. 26 [YONHAP]

 
The paper also emphasizes a principle of “flexible realism,” stating that “there is nothing inconsistent or hypocritical in acting according to such a realistic assessment or in maintaining good relations with countries whose governing systems and societies differ from ours.” This could be interpreted as openness to engaging with North Korea despite its status as a nuclear-armed state outside the bounds of international norms.
 
This is the first time since Kim Jong-un came to power in 2012 that a U.S. strategy has excluded both North Korea and the goal of denuclearization on the Korean Peninsula.
 
China also omitted any mention of denuclearization in its white paper on arms control and nonproliferation, released on Nov. 27.
 
With both Washington and Beijing now silent on denuclearization, concerns are growing that the two powers may be leaning toward a de facto acceptance of North Korea’s nuclear arsenal.
 
Rob Rapson, former acting U.S. ambassador to South Korea, noted on Saturday that this omission in the strategy will undoubtedly raise alarms in South Korea and Japan, and could also lead to miscalculations by North Korea.


This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.
BY LEE YU-JUNG, PARK HYUN-JU, SHIN KYUNG-JIN [[email protected]]
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