President Lee lays out plan for ‘nuclear free’ Korean Peninsula. But will Pyongyang buy it?

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President Lee lays out plan for ‘nuclear free’ Korean Peninsula. But will Pyongyang buy it?

Published: 04 Dec. 2025, 23:23

SEO JI-EUN
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Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

President Lee Jae Myung speaks during an event to mark the launch of the 22nd presidential Peaceful Unification Advisory Council at the Kintex convention center in Goyang, Gyeonggi, on Dec. 2. [YONHAP]

[EXPLAINER]

South Korea's President Lee Jae Myung laid out his administration’s master plan for North Korea policy on Tuesday, a move experts say is meant to lower Pyongyang’s immediate resistance to talks by replacing the politically charged term “denuclearization” with a more neutral vision of a “nuclear-free Korean Peninsula."

Lee outlined the new direction at the inauguration ceremony of the Peaceful Unification Advisory Council in Goyang, Gyeonggi, on Tuesday afternoon, where he emphasized three pillars: a Korean Peninsula free from the fear of war. a new era of peaceful coexistence and cooperation for shared growth between the two Koreas. The council serves as a presidential advisory body on unification policy, with the president as chair.

Notably, Lee avoided using the word “denuclearization” and instead envisioned a “nuclear-free Korean Peninsula.” Still, the government says the goal remains the same — a denuclearized peninsula — and the new wording reflects a mutual commitment to nonproliferation.

Lee’s remarks build on his prior statements, his Aug. 15 Liberation Day introducing three principles — respecting the North’s system, rejecting absorption unification and halting hostile acts — and the END Initiative — exchange, normalization and denuclearization — at the UN General Assembly in September.

Lee Jae Myung administration's North Korea policy framework [YUN YOUNG]

The newest approach, in essence, maintains South Korea’s longstanding denuclearization goal, repackaged in softer language to lower barriers to dialogue, according to officials.

Lee likewise addressed South Korea’s denuclearization stance during a press conference with foreign media the following day, drawing a line between nuclear armament and Seoul's pursuit of nuclear-powered submarines.

Still, experts warn that North Korea is unlikely to reciprocate unless more substantive concessions accompany the proposal.

[JOONGANG ILBO]

What is the difference?

In Tuesday's speech, he declared he would “end the state of war on the Peninsula and pursue a nuclear-free Korean Peninsula.” He never mentioned “denuclearization.”

North Korea has long bristled at the term “denuclearization,” viewing it as a demand for its unilateral disarmament. North Korean leader Kim Jong-un in September mocked prior South Korean calls for denuclearization as copying past leaders’ "homework."

South Korean officials note that this concept essentially means the same thing — a peninsula without nuclear weapons — but the framing offers greater flexibility, implying that neither side would possess or pursue nuclear weapons. This contrasts with Seoul and Washington's erstwhile emphasis on “North Korean denuclearization.”

But experts caution the shift is unlikely to sway Pyongyang.

“The speech highlighted peace and coexistence and took a pragmatic approach,” said Prof. Lim Eul-chul of Kyungnam University’s Institute for Far Eastern Studies. “But given the North’s current 'two hostile states' doctrine and the reality of inter-Korean ties, this is less a new vision and more a reaffirmation of principles with some strategic flexibility.”

Lim added that avoiding “denuclearization” is intended to lower the psychological barrier for Pyongyang to return to talks, but North Korea could still interpret the message as denying its nuclear status.

Hanwha Ocean's shipyard in Geoje, South Gyeongsang, pictured on Oct. 30 [NEWS1]

Where does Lee stand in the nuclear armament debate at home?

Lee reiterated in his speech that South Korea will not seek its own nuclear arsenal.

He argued that pursuing nuclear weapons — like North Korea has done under heavy sanctions — is impossible and contrary to South Korea’s principles.

His remarks come amid a growing debate domestically, where some conservative lawmakers have called for redeploying U.S. tactical nuclear weapons or even exploring an independent arsenal driven by security concerns toward North Korea's nuclear development and the credibility of U.S. extended nuclear deterrence under the second Donald Trump administration.

Lee dismissed such ideas as “unrealistic" and "irresponsible" while presiding over a Cabinet meeting on Tuesday.

Lee also warned that such domestic rhetoric regarding nuclear weapons risks undermining Seoul’s negotiations with Washington on civilian uranium enrichment and spent fuel reprocessing, as well as its longstanding goal of operating nuclear-powered submarines for strategic deterrence and maritime defense.

President Lee Jae Myung speaks during a press conference with foreign media at the Blue House in central Seoul on Dec. 3 to mark the one-year anniversary of the martial law crisis. [JOINT PRESS CORPS]

Mindful of the optics on a global platform, Lee again repeated Seoul's commitment to the denuclearization principle in the press conference with foreign reporters at Blue House the next day. He said that a nuclear-free Korean Peninsula and denuclearization of the Peninsula "reflect the same fundamental principle agreed to by the two Koreas," and that Seoul has “no intention of deviating from it.”

He also argued that South Korea's push for its nuclear-fueled submarines — recently given a green light by the United States — is "unrelated to proliferation.”

“A nuclear-powered submarine is a military asset, but it is not a nuclear weapon,” he said. “It contains no warhead or trigger device, so it should not be treated as a proliferation issue.”

“If we were to arm ourselves with nuclear weapons, we would no longer be able to call on North Korea to give theirs up," Lee said. "Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula is a basic principle agreed by both Koreas, and we have no intention of straying from it."

Why did Lee deliver the message now?

Observers note that Lee’s message landed just ahead of a series of major political meetings in North Korea, where the regime is expected to harden its stance.

Pyongyang is convening a plenary meeting of the ruling party's Central Committee in mid-December to wrap up 2025 and set the agenda for the upcoming 9th Party Congress, expected in early 2026, followed by a Supreme People’s Assembly session.

Of particular concern is whether Pyongyang will enshrine the “two separate hostile states” doctrine in its constitution, making reconciliation even harder.

Kim has already indicated that there will be no denuclearization and unification is “unnecessary” as a matter of state policy.

By putting forth a broad peace vision, Lee likely aimed to break the ice ahead of North Korea’s expected intransigence.

The Imjin River flows southward from beyond the demilitarized zone (DMZ). [JOONGANG ILBO]

Will North Korea respond?

Experts, however, remain doubtful.

While Lee's proposal may help reduce accident risks in the near term, simply changing diplomatic rhetoric is unlikely to prompt the North to return to talks without specific incentives, such as easing sanctions or offering security guarantees.

“Emphasizing dialogue without strong incentives won’t produce meaningful change,” Lim said. “North Korea is more likely to maintain a posture of strategic neglect or strategic wait-and-see.”

Moreover, even though Lee didn't explicitly mention the term “denuclearization,” critics in Seoul caution that North Korea will still interpret the goal as negating its nuclear arsenal.

The South Korean Foreign Ministry explicitly acknowledged earlier in the year that “North Korean denuclearization” and “Korean Peninsula denuclearization” are functionally equivalent concepts.

Lim added that Seoul must avoid overreacting to North Korean silence and instead "maintain a consistent policy line," which could help strengthen credibility, predictability and domestic consensus.

BY SEO JI-EUN [[email protected]]