Han Duck-soo and Lee Sang-min evaded accountability for Itaewon

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Han Duck-soo and Lee Sang-min evaded accountability for Itaewon

 
Kang Ju-an


The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.
 
 
Former Prime Minister Han Duck-soo narrowly avoided detention. Late on Wednesday, after waiting at the Seoul Detention Center, he was relieved when a judge rejected the arrest warrant. Among the reasons cited was his “career,” an unusual reason for dismissal.
 
Han’s resume is formidable. He twice served as prime minister, under both liberal and conservative administrations, and also held posts as ambassador to Washington and deputy prime minister for the economy. That record now risks being overshadowed by allegations of abetting insurrection, falsifying documents, damaging public records and perjury.
 
Former Prime Minister Han Duck-soo leaves Seoul Detention Center in Uiwang, Gyeonggi, after the Seoul Central District Court rejected the special cousel team's request to arrest him over his alleged role in ex-president Yoon Suk Yeol's imposition of martial law on Aug. 27. [NEWS1]

Former Prime Minister Han Duck-soo leaves Seoul Detention Center in Uiwang, Gyeonggi, after the Seoul Central District Court rejected the special cousel team's request to arrest him over his alleged role in ex-president Yoon Suk Yeol's imposition of martial law on Aug. 27. [NEWS1]

 
Han had multiple chances to step down during the Yoon Suk Yeol administration. The Itaewon crowd crush in October 2022 was one such moment. After 159 people died when police ignored repeated 112 calls from the afternoon onward, Lee Jae-oh, head of the Memorial Foundation for Democratization, said, “When a disaster of this scale occurs, the prime minister should resign.”
 
Tradition holds that senior officials take responsibility when a tragedy stems from government failure. Former National Assembly Secretary General Yoo In-tae argued that an immediate resignation by the interior minister might have eased public anger. But Han and then-Interior Minister Lee Sang-min did not move. Even senior police leaders, including then-Commissioner General Yoon Hee-keun, resisted pressure. Such defiance would have been impossible without the president’s backing. One figure recalled meeting a high-ranking police official who cleared his calendar for months, believing he would soon be dismissed. Yet he stayed in place.
 
Had Han and Lee resigned after Itaewon, events may have unfolded differently.
 
They had further opportunities. Han could have stepped down after Korea’s failed bid to host the 2030 World Expo in Busan or after the debacle of the World Scout Jamboree. He even offered to resign following the People Power Party's crushing defeat in the April 2024 general election but soon reversed himself, tarnishing his standing as an elder statesman. Lee also clung to office. When the National Assembly impeached him after Itaewon, suspending his duties, he could have left permanently. The Osong underpass flooding added to the list of tragedies under his watch.
 

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Investigations now suggest they were protected not only by Yoon but also by figures close to the presidential office. On Thursday, one day before the indictment of former first lady Kim Keon Hee, Special Prosecutor Min Jung-ki’s team raided the residence of the son-in-law of Lee Bong-gwan, chairman of Seohui Construction. He allegedly gave Kim a Van Cleef & Arpels necklace worth 60 million won ($43,000). Lee was also accused of asking for a government post for his son-in-law, former prosecutor Park Sung-geun, who became Han’s chief of staff in June 2022.
 
Another businessman, Seo Sung-bin, who claimed to have given Kim a Vacheron Constantin watch valued at about 50 million won, said he fell out with her after recommending that Lee Sang-min be removed following the Itaewon disaster.
 
Han, the longest-serving Cabinet member under Yoon, and Lee ultimately became entangled in the martial law scandal. By law, the defense minister or interior minister can recommend martial law to the president through the prime minister. Both men tried to shield themselves, but their conduct after the Dec. 3 crisis fueled distrust.
 
Former Minister of the Interior and Safety Lee Sang-min answers questions as a witness during the seventh hearing of the Constitutional Court’s impeachment trial of then-President Yoon Suk Yeol in Jongno District, central Seoul, on Feb. 11. [NEWS1]

Former Minister of the Interior and Safety Lee Sang-min answers questions as a witness during the seventh hearing of the Constitutional Court’s impeachment trial of then-President Yoon Suk Yeol in Jongno District, central Seoul, on Feb. 11. [NEWS1]

 
Han further disappointed with controversies over constitutional appointments and an ill-fated suggestion of a presidential run, remembered only for his remark, “I too am from Honam,” a reference to the Jeolla regions and Gwangju, while protesters blocked him from the 1980 pro-democracy uprising cemetery. Lee lost credibility after claiming he only glimpsed “a few pieces of paper” at the presidential office when questioned about alleged orders to cut utilities at media outlets.
 
Today, both men face uncertainty as three special prosecutor investigations unfold. Nearly three years ago, had they accepted responsibility for Itaewon, the trajectory of Korea’s political crisis might have been different. Strong successors in their posts could have altered the course for Yoon and Kim as well. The lesson is clear: When public officials avoid accountability, greater trials often follow.


This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.
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