Lessons from Japan’s 'flattering diplomacy' with Trump
Published: 10 Feb. 2025, 00:00
U.S. President Donald Trump and Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba held a summit at the White House on Jan. 7. Given that both South Korea and Japan face security threats from North Korea and are among the United States’ major trade deficit countries, this U.S.-Japan summit served as a barometer for the Trump administration’s policy stance toward Korea.
The two leaders reaffirmed their commitment to the complete denuclearization of North Korea and agreed on three key points: the United States providing deterrence capabilities against North Korea, Japan’s cooperation in U.S. policy toward Pyongyang and strengthening trilateral cooperation with South Korea. Trump had previously referred to North Korea as a “nuclear power” shortly after taking office, raising concerns that he might tacitly accept its nuclear status. This summit at least temporarily alleviated those fears. Additionally, while the joint statement included Japan’s agreement to double its defense spending, expectations that Trump would aggressively push for a substantial increase in host-nation support for U.S. troops stationed abroad were not fully realized. Japan had already set a plan in motion three years ago to double its defense budget by 2027, and the summit merely reaffirmed this commitment.
It remains to be seen whether this summit signifies a complete departure from the aggressive Northeast Asia policy Trump had advocated during his campaign. However, Japan’s meticulous preparations to mitigate the potential fallout from Trump’s unpredictability provide valuable lessons for Korea. In December last year, Ishiba sent the widow of former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who had a close relationship with Trump, to Trump’s Mar-a-Lago estate to establish a channel for dialogue. At the time, Masayoshi Son, chairman of SoftBank, preemptively announced a $100 billion investment in the United States. During the summit, Ishiba further courted Trump by breaking protocol — waiting for Trump to take his place before stepping onto the podium and bowing respectfully before speaking. While this might be considered Japan’s characteristic "courtesy diplomacy," foreign media described it as a “master class in flattery” aimed at winning Trump’s favor.
From Korea’s perspective, such an approach should not be dismissed as mere submission or sycophancy. In the midst of the ongoing impeachment turmoil, Korea’s communication with Washington has effectively been severed. Foreign Minister Cho Tae-yul is scheduled to visit the United States, ahead of the Munich Security Conference set on Jan. 14, to meet with Secretary of State Mark Rubio, but even that remains uncertain. The Foreign Ministry stated after the U.S.-Japan summit that Korea had conveyed its stance on the Korean Peninsula issue “through various channels.” It is fortunate that Seoul was able to communicate its position through close cooperation with Japan. However, relying on Japan to represent Korea’s national interests has clear limitations. There is a real risk that Korea could be sidelined in Northeast Asian security discussions, with its national interests dictated by the United States and Japan.
Now, more than ever, Seoul must expand its communication channels with Washington, restore political leadership and prepare for swift and decisive action. This requires meticulous planning and strategic leverage to ensure that Korea’s role in regional security and diplomacy is neither diminished nor overlooked.
Translated using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.
The two leaders reaffirmed their commitment to the complete denuclearization of North Korea and agreed on three key points: the United States providing deterrence capabilities against North Korea, Japan’s cooperation in U.S. policy toward Pyongyang and strengthening trilateral cooperation with South Korea. Trump had previously referred to North Korea as a “nuclear power” shortly after taking office, raising concerns that he might tacitly accept its nuclear status. This summit at least temporarily alleviated those fears. Additionally, while the joint statement included Japan’s agreement to double its defense spending, expectations that Trump would aggressively push for a substantial increase in host-nation support for U.S. troops stationed abroad were not fully realized. Japan had already set a plan in motion three years ago to double its defense budget by 2027, and the summit merely reaffirmed this commitment.
It remains to be seen whether this summit signifies a complete departure from the aggressive Northeast Asia policy Trump had advocated during his campaign. However, Japan’s meticulous preparations to mitigate the potential fallout from Trump’s unpredictability provide valuable lessons for Korea. In December last year, Ishiba sent the widow of former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who had a close relationship with Trump, to Trump’s Mar-a-Lago estate to establish a channel for dialogue. At the time, Masayoshi Son, chairman of SoftBank, preemptively announced a $100 billion investment in the United States. During the summit, Ishiba further courted Trump by breaking protocol — waiting for Trump to take his place before stepping onto the podium and bowing respectfully before speaking. While this might be considered Japan’s characteristic "courtesy diplomacy," foreign media described it as a “master class in flattery” aimed at winning Trump’s favor.
From Korea’s perspective, such an approach should not be dismissed as mere submission or sycophancy. In the midst of the ongoing impeachment turmoil, Korea’s communication with Washington has effectively been severed. Foreign Minister Cho Tae-yul is scheduled to visit the United States, ahead of the Munich Security Conference set on Jan. 14, to meet with Secretary of State Mark Rubio, but even that remains uncertain. The Foreign Ministry stated after the U.S.-Japan summit that Korea had conveyed its stance on the Korean Peninsula issue “through various channels.” It is fortunate that Seoul was able to communicate its position through close cooperation with Japan. However, relying on Japan to represent Korea’s national interests has clear limitations. There is a real risk that Korea could be sidelined in Northeast Asian security discussions, with its national interests dictated by the United States and Japan.
Now, more than ever, Seoul must expand its communication channels with Washington, restore political leadership and prepare for swift and decisive action. This requires meticulous planning and strategic leverage to ensure that Korea’s role in regional security and diplomacy is neither diminished nor overlooked.
Translated using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.
with the Korea JoongAng Daily
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